2FP Blog

Sam Nunn

More Than Moralism: How Values Matter to Nuclear Security July 23rd, 2010

Earlier this week, Tyler was privileged to give the Interfaith Lecture in the Hall of Philosophy at the renowned Chautauqua Institute in New York. The lecture, titled “More Than Moralism: How Values Matter to Nuclear Security,” was part of a series of lectures this week at Chautauqua on the issue of nuclear disarmament — including speakers such as former Senator Sam Nunn, nuclear security expert Joseph Cirincione, and the Rev. Jim Wallis.

Elizabeth Lunblad of The Chautauquan Daily wrote a short piece on the lecture, “Way to End Nuclear Age is Through Moral Activism,” highlighting Tyler’s presentation and the intersection between morality, faith, and nuclear weapons:

Does morality make a difference to the question of nuclear weapons and security? The answer, he said, is a resounding, self-evident “yes.”

“No matter how hard we try, we can’t imagine an amoral security. We can imagine an immoral security, but not an amoral one. This is because security, properly understood, is the means to an end. It’s not an end unto itself,” he said.

Security seeks an end that is unavoidably moral because it is the work of preserving human society from an external threat, and all society has some form of moral architecture that it is internally accountable toward, Wigg-Stevenson said.

If you’d like to read the text of Tyler’s lecture, you can download the PDF here.

Two Futures Project: Fact Sheet March 15th, 2010

Looking for the simple facts about nuclear weapons and the Two Futures Project? Well, look no further — we put together a “Fact Sheet” that you can either read below, or download in PDF format here.

FACT SHEET

What is the Two Futures Project?

The Two Futures Project (2FP) is a not-for-profit effort to educate American Christians about the need for a world free of nuclear weapons. We believe that we face two futures and one choice: a world without nuclear weapons or a world ruined by them.

We support the responsible, multilateral, global, irreversible, and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons, as a biblically-grounded mandate and as a contemporary security imperative. By joining together with one voice of Christian conscience, we seek to encourage and enable our national leaders to make the complete elimination of nuclear weapons the organizing principle of American nuclear weapons policy.

We join in this work to the glory of God.

What does the Two Futures Project do? How do supporters get involved?

As Chuck Colson wrote in his BreakPoint column, there’s still time for us to act and prevent nuclear disaster—“but that commitment will only happen if the people insist on it. And for that, we need to be informed” (10/17/08). The Two Futures Project is responding to that call and taking the message of a nuclear weapons-free world to American Christians via presentations at churches, campuses, and conferences, as well as direct media and our website. Our goal is to equip Christians to become advocates for their position and to engage fellow believers toward the same end.

Though we are each individually powerless to confront nuclear weapons, together we can demand that those in authority over nuclear arsenals do the right thing. Supporters join the 2FP movement via our website, twofuturesproject.org, and part of signing up is alerting a supporter’s elected officials to the stand he/she has taken. We are also developing a number of specific programs and resources to help 2FP supporters engage, like our new Campus Network and our suite of leaders’ tools. Our resources are designed to help Christians bring their faith perspective to bear on this pressing contemporary problem.

How many nuclear weapons still exist, and who has them?

There are approximately 20,000 nuclear weapons worldwide. The U.S. and Russia share 95% of the global stockpiles. The U.K., France, and China each have several hundreds; Israel, India and Pakistan, several score; and North Korea, perhaps a handful. About three dozen countries have nuclear power facilities that could be immediately modified to begin a bomb program if they wished.

Why ban nuclear weapons? What makes them different from conventional weapons?

Nuclear weapons are uniquely destructive and categorically indiscriminate. Just one Hiroshima-sized nuclear bomb (15 kiloton), if used in a terrorist attack on a major city, would:

  • kill 60,000+ people in the immediate blast;
  • contaminate 320 square miles, rendering it unlivable for a generation;
  • require immediate medical attention for 150,000 people suffering from burns and radiation poisoning, causing the collapse of healthcare infrastructure;
  • necessitate the evacuation of 6 million people; •    cause $1 trillion dollars in immediate and direct damages.

In addition, the extended economic fallout would cripple the global economy, shutting down supply chains, investment, and charitable works. This would trigger a worldwide economic depression, with disproportionate suffering and death among populations already existing at subsistence levels.

Why act now, and why total elimination? Can’t we just keep them out of the wrong hands?

Former Cold Warriors like George Shultz, Bill Perry, Henry Kissinger, and Sam Nunn warn that we are at a nuclear “tipping point.” In the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1970, the nuclear powers agreed to abolish their arsenals someday if the non-nuclear states refrained from building their own weapons. Now, nearly two decades after the Cold War’s end, the non-nuclear powers are growing impatient with a two-tier world of nuclear haves and have-nots. This dynamic threatens nuclear breakout; breakout means less control over the material needed for a bomb; less control means an increasing likelihood of use and eventual disaster through war, accident, or terrorism.

We’re committed by our own national law to pursue disarmament. Even more pressing, however, is the fact that the old status quo cannot hold much longer. The only alternative is to work deliberately toward the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. If, in a misguided attempt to maintain our own security by retaining our own nuclear arsenal indefinitely, we will not be able to contain the very proliferation that would itself be the most catastrophic security risk we can imagine.

Why American Christians?

As Christians, we cannot condone nuclear weapons because God abhors the shedding of innocent blood. Given this, the only plausible moral use for nuclear weapons is the deterrence of their use by other nations—and even that is morally problematic. But the logic of deterrence, which governed nuclear policy throughout the Cold War, is undone in the post-9/11 era, because nuclear terrorism by a non-state actor cannot be deterred by the threat of retaliation. In order to prevent nuclear materials from falling into terrorist hands, we need international cooperation—which we can’t get unless we’re serious about a world without nuclear weapons, including our own arsenals.

We recognize that even one nuclear blast would be a great sin for the innocents it killed, the damage done to the creation we are supposed to care for, and the poverty that the economic fallout would create.

Our horror at the possible evil of a nuclear blast motivates us to act in the present and prevent that future from coming about. The world needs the leadership that our faith demands.

Who supports nuclear weapons elimination?

On the security side, top experts from around the world are in agreement: we must abolish these weapons before they abolish the world we know. In America, supporters include seventy percent of the living individuals who have served as Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and National Security Advisor. Christian support for the elimination of nuclear weapons has been expressed by Evangelical, Catholic, and other Christian leaders across political lines, along with many denominational declarations.

Can you really put the nuclear genie back in the bottle? Doesn’t human nature make this unrealistic?

It’s true that we can never “un-invent” nuclear weapons. But the elimination of nuclear weapons is fundamentally a supply chain problem, because the material needed for a nuclear bomb cannot be found in nature. Furthermore, only nation-states have the resources to create highly-enriched uranium and plutonium, and they cannot do so in secret, because the facilities required to make nuclear material are immense and readily identifiable from satellite surveillance. In other words, we can control the Bomb because we can control the bomb material—despite human nature.

Doing so will be challenging, requiring rigorous international safeguards and a global monitoring system—but it is possible, given the right political will. Moreover, in a world where nuclear weapons have been de-legitimized and banned—as we have already done with chemical and biological weapons—there would be little incentive to cheat, given that doing so would be a de facto declaration of war against the entire world. The conventional might of the world’s nations would easily overwhelm any nation aspiring at nuclear breakout in a disarmed world, especially given how long it takes to build a substantial arsenal.

Isn’t disarmament doomed by the example of history? What nation would give up such power?

Actually, the vast majority of nations have already renounced nuclear weapons by their participation in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Many of these nations, like Brazil, at one point deliberated on whether to develop nuclear weapons capacity, and rejected that course. And the former states of the Soviet Union decided to give the nuclear weapons deployed on their soil back to Russia.

But the most powerful example is certainly apartheid-era South Africa, which had a secret nuclear weapons program that had produced six bombs. When President F.W. de Klerk came to power, he told his advisors that they needed to do two things in order to bring South Africa back into the community of nations: 1) abolish apartheid and 2) abolish their nuclear weapons. South Africa completed its disarmament in 1991, becoming the first nation to voluntarily give up nuclear weapons it had developed itself.

Do you have a position on nuclear power?

The Two Futures Project does not have a pro or con position on nuclear power per se. However, we are concerned by the possibility of nuclear power plants being the target of, and magnifying into catastrophic proportions, a future terrorist attack. We also believe that if a decision is made to embark on the expansion of nuclear power, the new infrastructure must have built-in technological and diplomatic safeguards to ensure that the peaceful use of nuclear technologies cannot be used as a back door into a weapons program.

What about Iran?

A nuclear Iran is unacceptable, and every moral and practical step should be taken to prevent it. That said, Iran is a perfect example of the need to make the elimination of nuclear weapons the direct goal of present policy. Doing so would not solve the Iranian problem immediately, but it would give us much more powerful tools to deal with the situation. Iran flirts with nuclear capabilities because of the two-tier world of nuclear haves and have-nots; it is presently able to flaunt international will because the U.S. and Russia cannot preach nuclear temperance from the atomic barstool. If the nuclear powers demonstrated good-faith leadership toward a world without nuclear weapons, global pressure on Iran would increase substantially. Such a position would de-incentivize nuclear breakout, and stimulate the development of technological and diplomatic safeguards that would make our world safer.

Isn’t it naïve to disarm overnight, and to trust that other countries will follow our example?

Yes. That’s why we do not advocate unilateral disarmament, nor do we expect immediate results. However, the leadership of the United States is essential in forging a lasting worldwide consensus built around the long-term vision of multilateral and verifiable nuclear disarmament. This would set our “compass point” and establish the kind of international leadership our situation requires. Additionally, there are a number of immediate threat-reduction steps, many of which the U.S. could undertake unilaterally, as well as bilateral actions we could do with Russia. Complete nuclear disarmament will take decades, however, and will require a phased and verifiable process that increases both national and global security.

Evangelical Voices Against Nukes October 5th, 2009

Even a casual student of American politics must wonder what evangelicals are doing at the vanguard of a new movement toward the elimination of nuclear weapons. After all, the anti-Communism of a previous generation of evangelicals frequently left them opposed to more liberal, mainline brethren in their support for a robust Cold War deterrent.

And yet the Two Futures Project (2FP), a confessional Christian effort for the abolition of nuclear weapons, debuted publicly this year with endorsements from evangelical leaders across the political and theological spectrum.

Fueled primarily by a rising generation of Christians who are unencumbered by Cold War divisions, we have just launched a coast-to-coast speaking tour that will take our message to thousands of Christians at some of the most prominent churches and venues in the country.

A Singular Moral Imperative

The reason that most 2FP supporters get on board is not because they see nuclear disarmament as a stand-alone moral imperative.

Rather, the singular moral imperative concerning nuclear weapons is their non-use. Leaving aside the obscurantist and obsolete nuances of counter-force targeting, nuclear weapons are built to kill lots of people indiscriminately–an action defined as categorically immoral by the Christian Just War framework.

And, in the post-Cold War, post-9/11 era, the elimination of nuclear weapons has become the only policy capable of permanently preventing nuclear conflict.

It wasn’t always this way. During the Cold War, advocates of a robust deterrent and advocates of disarmament could both make a good-faith claim to the moral high ground, because each saw their favored policies as the best way to maintain the nuclear peace.

Today, however, everything has changed. The old ambiguities are gone. We now face only two eventual outcomes: a world without the Bomb or a world devastated by its use.

That’s why Evangelicals are supporting the disarmament agenda.

Tomorrow Needs Us Today

Our present situation owes its moral clarity to the fact that the long-term security benefits of nuclear nonproliferation–preventing the spread of nuclear weapons–are linked by treaty obligation to good faith progress on nuclear disarmament.

If the existing nuclear powers insist on an indefinite two-tier system of nuclear haves and have-nots–preaching plutonium temperance from the atomic barstool–proliferation crises like North Korea and Iran will continue to arise with increasing frequency and severity. Other nations, unwilling to be permanent second-class world citizens, will build the Bomb.

The increased danger of regional nuclear conflict will be bad enough. But worse, as bomb-quality nuclear material spreads, the question of a terrorist group acquiring the Bomb will change from “whether” to “when.” The laws of nuclear deterrence do not apply to a group that cannot be bombed back.

That’s why the weapons that the nuclear powers rely upon for their deterrent value will, eventually, create the very situation in which deterrence is undone.

The alternative–a world free of nuclear weapons–is neither easily nor immediately attainable. But even if we can’t chart a course all the way to zero, working in the right direction will make the world safer in the process. For example, international consensus on the desirability of a nuclear weapons-free world permits a stronger response to the unacceptable threat of a nuclear Iran.

I’ve found that evangelicals readily respond to the vision of a nuclear-free world–and the concrete steps needed to get there–laid out by former Cold Warriors like George Shultz, Sam Nunn, and others, as well as the nonpartisan supermajority of security elite who agree with them. The policies these experts lay out have formed the backbone of the Obama administration’s nuclear vision–a nonpartisan security agenda that should unite Americans across political lines.

Two Futures, One Choice

Often, the language of morality is set in opposition to the language of possibility. Moral imperatives, and religious crazies like me who atavistically believe that a living God put them in place and still cares a great deal about them, establish the horizon against which the “realists” get real work done.

But in the post-Cold War, post-9/11 era, there is a straight line between the theological prohibition against using the Bomb and the only prudential way to achieve this goal.

In other words, a world without nuclear weapons is something we must do for our security. It’s something we can envision, technologically. And it’s something we ought to do in accord with our deepest moral commitments to prevent the loss of innocent life.

Must, can, and ought: a powerful nuclear triad, indeed.

This op-ed was published in the Washington Post’s “On Faith” blog in October of 2009.

Spiritual Disaster Preparedness March 31st, 2008

Laying the foundations for the launch of the Two Futures Project, here’s an article that Tyler wrote back in 2008 for Christianity Today on the necessity for a Christian witness on nuclear weapons and the pending threat: “Spiritual Disaster Preparedness.

The present champions of a nuclear weapons-free world are not naïve — on the contrary, many of them witnessed firsthand the worst evils of the last century in the same global conflagration that birthed the bomb. Nevertheless, they hope; in hoping, strive; in striving, exemplify courage.

Read the article here.