2FP Blog

Nonproliferation

Pray in May May 4th, 2010

Today marks beginning of the month-long Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference (NPT RevCon) at the United Nations. The NPT, which went into effect 40 years ago, has prevented the spread of nuclear weapons with the good-faith promise that all its parties will work for a world without any nuclear weapons. The RevCon, held every five years, influences the current standing and future strength of the nonproliferation regime.

As a citizen of the U.S., you’ve raised your voice in order to influence national policy. However, because we are citizens of a greater kingdom, it’s essential that as faithful Christians, we also raise our voice in prayer for “all those in authority, that we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness” (1 Tim. 2:2).

The peace and welfare of billions of people can be affected by what happens in New York this month. Therefore, during the month of May, we’re asking 2FP to remember the NPT RevCon and to pray diligently and daily:

1. For wisdom in leadership and humility in strength by the U.S. delegation — specifically its leaders, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Ambassador Susan Burk.

2. For a willingness from all the nuclear powers to keep their word in pursuing nuclear disarmament.

3. That God create space at the RevCon for peacemaking and mutual understanding with nations like Iran, whose actions threaten to undermine the future of the nonproliferation regime.

4. That we would continue to be spared from nuclear disaster, and that God would use the RevCon to give us time to discern his will and act in fidelity to it.

To learn more about the treaty and why its enforcement matters now more than ever, visit the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s NPT Tutorial.

Two Futures Project: Fact Sheet March 15th, 2010

Looking for the simple facts about nuclear weapons and the Two Futures Project? Well, look no further — we put together a “Fact Sheet” that you can either read below, or download in PDF format here.

FACT SHEET

What is the Two Futures Project?

The Two Futures Project (2FP) is a not-for-profit effort to educate American Christians about the need for a world free of nuclear weapons. We believe that we face two futures and one choice: a world without nuclear weapons or a world ruined by them.

We support the responsible, multilateral, global, irreversible, and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons, as a biblically-grounded mandate and as a contemporary security imperative. By joining together with one voice of Christian conscience, we seek to encourage and enable our national leaders to make the complete elimination of nuclear weapons the organizing principle of American nuclear weapons policy.

We join in this work to the glory of God.

What does the Two Futures Project do? How do supporters get involved?

As Chuck Colson wrote in his BreakPoint column, there’s still time for us to act and prevent nuclear disaster—“but that commitment will only happen if the people insist on it. And for that, we need to be informed” (10/17/08). The Two Futures Project is responding to that call and taking the message of a nuclear weapons-free world to American Christians via presentations at churches, campuses, and conferences, as well as direct media and our website. Our goal is to equip Christians to become advocates for their position and to engage fellow believers toward the same end.

Though we are each individually powerless to confront nuclear weapons, together we can demand that those in authority over nuclear arsenals do the right thing. Supporters join the 2FP movement via our website, twofuturesproject.org, and part of signing up is alerting a supporter’s elected officials to the stand he/she has taken. We are also developing a number of specific programs and resources to help 2FP supporters engage, like our new Campus Network and our suite of leaders’ tools. Our resources are designed to help Christians bring their faith perspective to bear on this pressing contemporary problem.

How many nuclear weapons still exist, and who has them?

There are approximately 20,000 nuclear weapons worldwide. The U.S. and Russia share 95% of the global stockpiles. The U.K., France, and China each have several hundreds; Israel, India and Pakistan, several score; and North Korea, perhaps a handful. About three dozen countries have nuclear power facilities that could be immediately modified to begin a bomb program if they wished.

Why ban nuclear weapons? What makes them different from conventional weapons?

Nuclear weapons are uniquely destructive and categorically indiscriminate. Just one Hiroshima-sized nuclear bomb (15 kiloton), if used in a terrorist attack on a major city, would:

  • kill 60,000+ people in the immediate blast;
  • contaminate 320 square miles, rendering it unlivable for a generation;
  • require immediate medical attention for 150,000 people suffering from burns and radiation poisoning, causing the collapse of healthcare infrastructure;
  • necessitate the evacuation of 6 million people; •    cause $1 trillion dollars in immediate and direct damages.

In addition, the extended economic fallout would cripple the global economy, shutting down supply chains, investment, and charitable works. This would trigger a worldwide economic depression, with disproportionate suffering and death among populations already existing at subsistence levels.

Why act now, and why total elimination? Can’t we just keep them out of the wrong hands?

Former Cold Warriors like George Shultz, Bill Perry, Henry Kissinger, and Sam Nunn warn that we are at a nuclear “tipping point.” In the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1970, the nuclear powers agreed to abolish their arsenals someday if the non-nuclear states refrained from building their own weapons. Now, nearly two decades after the Cold War’s end, the non-nuclear powers are growing impatient with a two-tier world of nuclear haves and have-nots. This dynamic threatens nuclear breakout; breakout means less control over the material needed for a bomb; less control means an increasing likelihood of use and eventual disaster through war, accident, or terrorism.

We’re committed by our own national law to pursue disarmament. Even more pressing, however, is the fact that the old status quo cannot hold much longer. The only alternative is to work deliberately toward the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. If, in a misguided attempt to maintain our own security by retaining our own nuclear arsenal indefinitely, we will not be able to contain the very proliferation that would itself be the most catastrophic security risk we can imagine.

Why American Christians?

As Christians, we cannot condone nuclear weapons because God abhors the shedding of innocent blood. Given this, the only plausible moral use for nuclear weapons is the deterrence of their use by other nations—and even that is morally problematic. But the logic of deterrence, which governed nuclear policy throughout the Cold War, is undone in the post-9/11 era, because nuclear terrorism by a non-state actor cannot be deterred by the threat of retaliation. In order to prevent nuclear materials from falling into terrorist hands, we need international cooperation—which we can’t get unless we’re serious about a world without nuclear weapons, including our own arsenals.

We recognize that even one nuclear blast would be a great sin for the innocents it killed, the damage done to the creation we are supposed to care for, and the poverty that the economic fallout would create.

Our horror at the possible evil of a nuclear blast motivates us to act in the present and prevent that future from coming about. The world needs the leadership that our faith demands.

Who supports nuclear weapons elimination?

On the security side, top experts from around the world are in agreement: we must abolish these weapons before they abolish the world we know. In America, supporters include seventy percent of the living individuals who have served as Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and National Security Advisor. Christian support for the elimination of nuclear weapons has been expressed by Evangelical, Catholic, and other Christian leaders across political lines, along with many denominational declarations.

Can you really put the nuclear genie back in the bottle? Doesn’t human nature make this unrealistic?

It’s true that we can never “un-invent” nuclear weapons. But the elimination of nuclear weapons is fundamentally a supply chain problem, because the material needed for a nuclear bomb cannot be found in nature. Furthermore, only nation-states have the resources to create highly-enriched uranium and plutonium, and they cannot do so in secret, because the facilities required to make nuclear material are immense and readily identifiable from satellite surveillance. In other words, we can control the Bomb because we can control the bomb material—despite human nature.

Doing so will be challenging, requiring rigorous international safeguards and a global monitoring system—but it is possible, given the right political will. Moreover, in a world where nuclear weapons have been de-legitimized and banned—as we have already done with chemical and biological weapons—there would be little incentive to cheat, given that doing so would be a de facto declaration of war against the entire world. The conventional might of the world’s nations would easily overwhelm any nation aspiring at nuclear breakout in a disarmed world, especially given how long it takes to build a substantial arsenal.

Isn’t disarmament doomed by the example of history? What nation would give up such power?

Actually, the vast majority of nations have already renounced nuclear weapons by their participation in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Many of these nations, like Brazil, at one point deliberated on whether to develop nuclear weapons capacity, and rejected that course. And the former states of the Soviet Union decided to give the nuclear weapons deployed on their soil back to Russia.

But the most powerful example is certainly apartheid-era South Africa, which had a secret nuclear weapons program that had produced six bombs. When President F.W. de Klerk came to power, he told his advisors that they needed to do two things in order to bring South Africa back into the community of nations: 1) abolish apartheid and 2) abolish their nuclear weapons. South Africa completed its disarmament in 1991, becoming the first nation to voluntarily give up nuclear weapons it had developed itself.

Do you have a position on nuclear power?

The Two Futures Project does not have a pro or con position on nuclear power per se. However, we are concerned by the possibility of nuclear power plants being the target of, and magnifying into catastrophic proportions, a future terrorist attack. We also believe that if a decision is made to embark on the expansion of nuclear power, the new infrastructure must have built-in technological and diplomatic safeguards to ensure that the peaceful use of nuclear technologies cannot be used as a back door into a weapons program.

What about Iran?

A nuclear Iran is unacceptable, and every moral and practical step should be taken to prevent it. That said, Iran is a perfect example of the need to make the elimination of nuclear weapons the direct goal of present policy. Doing so would not solve the Iranian problem immediately, but it would give us much more powerful tools to deal with the situation. Iran flirts with nuclear capabilities because of the two-tier world of nuclear haves and have-nots; it is presently able to flaunt international will because the U.S. and Russia cannot preach nuclear temperance from the atomic barstool. If the nuclear powers demonstrated good-faith leadership toward a world without nuclear weapons, global pressure on Iran would increase substantially. Such a position would de-incentivize nuclear breakout, and stimulate the development of technological and diplomatic safeguards that would make our world safer.

Isn’t it naïve to disarm overnight, and to trust that other countries will follow our example?

Yes. That’s why we do not advocate unilateral disarmament, nor do we expect immediate results. However, the leadership of the United States is essential in forging a lasting worldwide consensus built around the long-term vision of multilateral and verifiable nuclear disarmament. This would set our “compass point” and establish the kind of international leadership our situation requires. Additionally, there are a number of immediate threat-reduction steps, many of which the U.S. could undertake unilaterally, as well as bilateral actions we could do with Russia. Complete nuclear disarmament will take decades, however, and will require a phased and verifiable process that increases both national and global security.

Theology and Nuclear Weapons October 16th, 2009

Tyler just gave an in-depth interview with PBS Religion and Ethics Newsweekly:

Tyler Wigg-Stevenson is founding director of the Two Futures Project, a Christian movement for the abolition of nuclear weapons. In Part 1, watch him talk about the nuclear threat in a post- 9/11 world and the biblical foundations for a Christian case supporting disarmament. In Part 2, he discusses what people of faith, and evangelical Christians in particular, can bring to the national conversation on nuclear weapons.

Watch the two part interview here.

Obama, the UN, and the Bomb: Six Takeaway Points September 25th, 2009

In the nuclear security business, it’s a good day when nothing goes wrong. It’s a great day when something goes right. The latter can be few and far between, but this week we saw two great days back-to-back during President Obama’s time at the UN.

On Wednesday, Obama used his time in front of the General Assembly to name “four pillars that are fundamental to the future that we want for our children.” Non-proliferation and disarmament were the first pillar, and Obama was clear to point out that the U.S. was embracing its responsibility to “keep our end of the bargain” on nuclear security. In other words, the days of “do as we say, not as we do” are over.

On Thursday, Obama became the first U.S. President ever to chair a summit-level meeting of the Security Council — meaning that the members were represented by their heads of state. That meeting generated unanimous approval for Resolution 1887, which would provide a framework for cracking down on countries — such as Iran — whose nuclear programs threaten international stability. We’ll see the results of this strategy almost immediately, as a statement about a recently-uncovered covert Iranian nuclear facility is expected later today.

Here’s the takeaway from New York:

1) Security isn’t just the responsibility of world leaders. There are only a couple dozen people on the planet who can have a direct impact on nuclear policy. But, as President Obama stated, “real change can only come through the people” that world leaders represent. With partisan domestic issues tearing the American public apart at home, achieving nuclear security is something we all can and should agree on. That’s why (prepare for blatant self-promoting plug) I’m delighted that the Two Futures Project – a movement to raise up an authentically Christian witness on nuclear weapons in the post-Cold War, post-9/11 era — has just launched a twelve-city speaking tour to inform the faithful nationwide about the challenges and opportunities we face.

2) The security benefits of nonproliferation require movement on disarmament. In the post-Cold War era this is critical, because the treaty obligations that prevent non-nuclear nations from building new nuclear weapons (nonproliferation) are paired with the nuclear powers’ good faith commitment to pursue the reduction and elimination of their own arsenals (disarmament). For this reason, a two-tiered status quo of nuclear haves and have-nots cannot be sustained over the long term. If we want to prevent future nuclear breakout, the nuclear powers have got to be serious about leading by example. As Sam Nunn says, we’re toeing the line between “cooperation and catastrophe.”

3) U.S. leadership is necessary but not sufficient to achieve nuclear security. President Obama offered what one news outlet called “put up or shut up” remarks to the General Assembly, saying, “those who used to chastise America for acting alone in the world cannot now stand by and wait for America to solve the world’s problems alone.” As the world’s only superpower, the U.S. is the only country that can plausibly blaze the trail to a nuclear weapons-free world. But we can’t go it alone — leadership means that others are following along. In the wake of the failed neoconservative experiment in global domination, we’re now seeing what it looks like to be a responsible superpower: embracing our power and wealth and not apologizing for our national interests, while also recognizing, as Obama said, that “in an era when our destiny is shared, power is no longer a zero sum game.” The gains achieved at the UN — including a verbal agreement from Russia to take a harder line on Iranian flaunting of international law — are critical to addressing the most immediate crises of nuclear breakout.

4) Progress requires a bold long-term vision and concrete short-term steps. This link between the vision of a nuclear weapons-free world and threat-reduction measures was articulated by George Shultz, William Perry, Henry Kissinger, and Sam Nunn in their landmark Wall Street Journal op-ed calling for the elimination of nuclear weapons. President Obama’s time at the UN proved what they posited: that the vision gives urgency and cohesion to the steps, and the steps give reality and teeth to the vision. This fact was demonstrated by the unanimous vote in the Security Council to crack down on potential nuclear breakout, and to make a priority of securing nuclear material from the hands of terrorists. And Secretary Clinton’s address to a conference on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty was a demonstration of the administration’s commitment to “ban the bang” once and for all.

5) A world free of nuclear weapons is a safer world. Opponents of the Obama/Reagan vision of a nuclear-free world decry it as risky, without ever acknowledging the risks of the status quo. The fact is that it is more dangerous to maintain Cold War nuclear postures than it is to pursue responsible, verifiable, multilateral disarmament. In particular, opponents have raised the specter of extended deterrence — America’s commitment to defend allies from nuclear attack — by saying that if we continue our bilateral arms reductions with the Russians, our allies will be forced to build their own nuclear arsenals. The redness of this particular herring was shown up by our national allies’ unanimous and strong support for Obama’s proposals — especially the remarks of the new Japanese prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama.

6) Dealing with nuclear weapons is the key to addressing other global issues. Oftentimes nuclear weapons seem like an anachronistic problem, a relic of the Cold War, compared with the crises of pandemic disease and climate change that threaten the twenty-first century. But all of these problems are of a piece: the bomb was the first technological development — but far from the last — that gave globe-spanning potential to the homicidal impulses of the human heart. President Obama identified four pillars of security; nuclear weapons were rightfully first, but they are not alone. If we can’t deal with nuclear weapons — a relatively simple technology with a notoriously fragile supply chain — then we won’t be able to deal with the far more complex issues arising now. By contrast, if we can successfully tackle nuclear weapons, the cooperative mechanisms and trust-building necessary for disarmament may well be the key to advancement on a host of other problems.

This op-ed was published in Sojourners God’s Politics in September of 2009.